Marcus Stead

Journalist Marcus Stead

The Welsh media in crisis

with 16 comments

By MARCUS STEAD

IN ANY democracy, it is essential there is a free and independent media, that rigorously holds those we elect to account, and is widely consumed by the public. This is not the case in Wales.

The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic is providing daily examples of the shortcomings of the Welsh media in its current form. There are daily examples of severe failings by the Welsh Government that are not adequately reported by the Welsh media, nor are large sections of the public even aware that these failings have taken place.

Imagine for a moment that Boris Johnson had spoken at a press conference and directly contradicted his own government’s advice? Or what if he had told people they were only to leave home to go to work, for once-a-day exercise, to attend a medical appointment or to care for a vulnerable person, but then admitted to bicycling to his allotment, which is essentially a hobby?

What we used to call the ‘Fleet Street’ press would be demanding his immediate resignation. Yet that is exactly what Wales’s First Minister did in mid-May. The error wasn’t widely reported, nor was there much call for him to resign. Many in Wales will be completely unaware Mark Drakeford ever said these things.

Similarly, imagine what would happen if England’s Health Secretary, Matt Hancock, issued guidance insisting people mustn’t sit down on park benches for a picnic while out exercising, but was then pictured eating chips with his wife and child a day later? That’s exactly what happened with Wales’s Health Minister, Vaughan Gething, during the VE Day bank holiday. Yes, ‘Chipgate’ was reported by BBC Wales and the Welsh print media, but there was no great clamour for his resignation.

The most-listened to radio stations in Wales are BBC Radio Two, BBC Radio Four and BBC Radio One, in that order. BBC Radio Wales’s market share fluctuates between a miserable 5-6%, down from 12.9% in 2007, and much lower than BBC Radio Ulster’s 19.4%. There are a number of local commercial radio stations in Wales, but all of them are music-based and aside from short ‘top-of-the-hour’ news bulletins, there is very little news and current affairs coverage on any of them.

The most-read newspapers in Wales are the Daily Mail and The Sun. This, in itself, is not a problem. The vast majority of people in Wales consider themselves both British and Welsh. They do not want to just read about the goings on in the Senedd or the latest squabble in Welsh regional rugby. Many in Wales want a mix of news from Westminster, celebrity gossip, the latest from reality TV shows, the columns of Richard Littlejohn and Tony Parsons, Premier League football coverage and so on.

This only becomes a problem when the likes of the Daily Mail and The Sun refer to ‘THE’ Health Secretary and report lockdown restrictions as they apply to England, and fail to make it clear that it’s a devolved matter in Wales and the rules here are different. I do not blame the ‘Fleet St’ press for this. The Daily Mail and The Sun are the best-selling papers in Wales, but Welsh sales make up just a tiny fraction of the paper’s overall readership, and this is reflected in its editorial stance.

Even now, after two months of lockdown and daily media briefings by the Welsh Government, a very large number of people in Wales still couldn’t name the First Minister, or the Health Minister, or are aware that what Boris Johnson announces on behavioural guidelines does not apply in Wales. After more than 20 years of devolution, this is a sorry state of affairs, and a lack of a dynamic, widely-consumed Welsh media is largely to blame for this.

Understanding the problem 

Let me make it abundantly clear at this stage that I do not for one second pretend to have all the answers to this conundrum. The purpose of this essay is to get a discussion going as to a viable way forward.

First of all, Wales is not immune to the problems newspapers are facing across the Western world: Very few people under the age of 45 are in the habit of buying a daily newspaper. Indeed, very few are in the habit of paying for news content at all, whether in print or digital. This is not going to change any time soon.

Setting up a Wales-wide new newspaper from scratch at this time will not work. The costs of employing journalists, selling advertising, print, distribution, and persuading shops to stock the paper would be enormous, and would require the backing of a wealthy benefactor. That is not going to happen.

Welsh newspaper circulation figures

Welsh newspaper circulation figures

Furthermore, this image clearly demonstrates that all major Wales-based newspapers are dying. With the decline seen in recent years, it seems as though the Western Mail, South Wales Echo and Daily Post have a maximum of five years left as paid-for print publications. However, their owner, Reach Plc, recently announced a 30% slump in revenues during April, which suggests the demise of these papers may happen far sooner.

It is not just the young that are failing to engage with these papers. The older generations are breaking the habit of decades, due to what they perceive as a decline in the quality of these publications (they employ far fewer journalists than in the past, and they are expected to produce far more content in a much shorter news cycle), and by realising they can obtain free, up-to-date news on their computers, phones and tablets.  As one person put it to me, “Why should I pay to read yesterday’s news?”

Many older people have discovered this during the lockdown, and, with their confidence in using technology enhanced, it seems likely many will not return to buying a daily paper when life resumes its normal pace.

The business model of Wales Online, the digital sister of the Reach Plc print publications in the Principality, is a questionable one. It appears to be based on ‘clickbait’, namely attracting visitors to the site with an eye-catching headline, and then subjecting them to advertising. Their model appears to be based on making a tiny amount of money ‘per click’, and by cluttering up the page with an excessive amount of advertisements.

This leads to three problems: Firstly, it encourages the writing of sensationalist headlines that ‘stretch the truth’ to its limits in the name of securing a click from the reader. Secondly, it encourages its reporters and editors to focus on the frivolous (Wales Online editor Paul Rowland encouraged a reader who wanted to make it in journalism to write about ’19 mouth watering street food dishes in Wales’ by way of a clickbait article).  Thirdly, a very large number of readers start reading an article, and become so frustrated and irritated by the excessive clutter of advertising and ‘surveys they need to fill in to continue reading’ that they just give up.

The traditional, basic duties of a local paper are being sacrificed in the name of ‘clickbait culture’. The coverage of Magistrates and Crown Courts, local council meetings and public meetings about controversial local developments has been drastically scaled back. This, in itself, is bad enough wherever you live in Britain. But in Wales, it has the additional problem of insufficient coverage of the Welsh Parliament and Welsh Government.

The Welsh dimension 

In my essay ‘Wales – A Country Divided’, I outlined how prominent Welsh nationalists managed to gain huge influence on BBC Wales from its inception, spearheaded by the racist and antisemitic founder of Plaid Cymru, Saunders Lewis. To this day, nepotistic Welsh nationalist and Welsh first language cliques dominate the senior positions at BBC Wales, and recruit and promote other staff from among their own kind. Veteran investigative journalist Paul Starling outlined the scale of the problem in the early-mid 2000s, while Phil Parry, who worked for BBC Wales for more than 20 years, outlined the cosy relationship between BBC Wales and Plaid Cymru for his excellent The Eye Wales website.

Until relatively recently, the Reach Plc newspapers in Wales seemed largely immune from Crachach/Welsh nationalist influence. However, it appears that in recent years, those with Welsh nationalist sympathies have manoeuvred themselves into position and have ‘taken control of the cockpit’.

One consequence of this has been that several of its best-known journalists have ‘come out’ as Welsh nationalists in the last couple of years. The Western Mail’s chief reporter Martin Shipton has written sympathetically about Plaid Cymru and the Yes Cymru movement in recent years. Carolyn Hitt, known for her articles about rugby and culture from a parochial Welsh perspective, ‘came out’ as a Welsh nationalist during a speech to the Yes Cymru AGM in a far-from-full small converted chapel in Merthyr Tydfil in January 2020. Younger journalists are either recruited for their Welsh nationalist sympathies, or are at least willing to go along with the agenda. The editorial stance could be politely described as pro-maximum devolution, and more bluntly as increasingly sympathetic to Welsh nationalism, in the mould traditionally seen at BBC Wales.

With long hours, poor pay, and an uncertain long-term future, many journalists are looking for a long-term future in public relations, communications, or as part of the Welsh Parliament gravy train, either as civil servants, press officers, advisers, members of that parliament, or employed by lobbying bodies closely linked to it. Therefore, they are unlikely to be especially critical of any aspect of the Welsh establishment in their work.

The mindset and attitudes of those working for these media organisations puts them at odds with the majority of ordinary Welsh people, namely their readers or consumers. Coming home from work to a house in Pontcanna, and weekend dinner parties with Welsh political figures, S4C producers and Eisteddfod Gorsedd members hardly gives them an understanding of the concerns and lifestyle of the teacher from Treherbert, the plumber from Pontypool or the brickie from Bangor.

The Welsh media is dominated by white, middle class, Welsh speaking people, with a bias towards South Wales and the Welsh nationalist movement. The desire to stay on the right side of ‘important people’ to further their future careers has led to a supine media and a cowed culture. They are grossly out of touch with everyday people in all sorts of ways. Here are some brief examples:

Brexit 

A very large number of people in Wales support Brexit. 52.53% of those who voted backed Leave. That’s 854,572 people. The turnout was 71.71%, massively higher than that of the 1997 referendum on devolution (where 50.30% voted Yes on a 50.22% turnout), or at any National Assembly election to date (the high water mark being 46% in the first elections in 1999).

Very few political journalists in Wales will have voted Leave. But in the subsequent four years, the tone of reporting, in both print and broadcast media, was overwhelmingly that the people of Wales had made a mistake and deserved a second referendum to ‘put the decision right’, as they saw it. Pro-Brexit voices were treated disparagingly and as eccentric or extreme. Little effort was made by the Welsh media to try and understand why such a large number of people voted Leave, nor was any attempt made to properly explore and explain the advantages of a successful Brexit.

Anti-Devolution 

As demonstrated above, fewer than one in four of the Welsh electorate voted for the creation of the Assembly in 1997. Fewer than one in five voted in favour of increasing its powers in the referendum of 2011, where turnout was an abysmal 35.63%, and few really understood what the question on the ballot paper was about (again, no thanks to the Welsh media, who made little effort to properly explain the matter).

Turnout at all five sets of Assembly elections to date has been well below 50%. A large number of people in Wales still don’t understand what powers what we now call the ‘Welsh parliament’ has. Polling by BBC Wales in 2014 found that just 48% of respondents knew that the Welsh Government is responsible for the NHS in Wales. A similar number, 42%, wrongly thought that policing is a devolved area.

North east Wales is, to a very large extent, economically and culturally aligned to Cheshire, Lancashire and Merseyside. Many in that part of Wales regard the Cardiff Bay bubble as at best a distant irrelevance, and at worst an irritating nuisance. Elsewhere in Wales, where people were never very enthusiastic about it to begin with, there are growing calls for a rethink, with abolition of the Welsh Parliament polling more strongly than Welsh independence.

There are a number of ‘sacred cows’ with the Welsh media and the Welsh establishment in general, namely issues that they regard as ‘settled’ and ‘not up for discussion’. They have sought to portray anyone who is anti-devolution as ‘extremist’, ‘eccentric’ or, most absurdly of all, ‘far right’. In reality, some of the strongest anti-devolution voices over the last 25 years have come from the left: Don Touhig, Alan Williams, Betty Bowen, Llew Smith, Carys Pugh and others.

The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic is bringing to the forefront many of the absurdities and shortcomings of devolution. A robust, truly independent Welsh media should not be afraid of exposing these failings, nor should it consider the debate on the future of devolution to be ‘closed’.

Losing faith in Labour, but not seeing Plaid Cymru as an alternative 

In last December’s general election, the people of Wales finally said ‘enough is enough’. For years, the Labour Party, in both London and Cardiff Bay, has treated its heartland voters with contempt, dismissing them as stupid, racist and xenophobic.

The election saw the Conservatives win their highest vote share in Wales since 1900, their best ever total in the era of universal suffrage. Blinded by smug arrogance, Labour’s reaction to the political earthquake in Wales was give their once-loyal voters a good telling off, rather than to take time to listen and reflect on what went wrong.

Wales’s First Minister, the ultra-Corbynista Mark Drakeford, even said that the next national Labour leader should ‘keep the same basic message’. He just doesn’t get it.

The disconnect between the Labour Party membership and its heartland voters is now blatantly obvious. The membership base, changed beyond all recognition by the entryism of the last four years, now consists of middle class students, their lecturers, and white collar public sector workers, preoccupied with the dogma of the woke agenda, a mythical ‘Climate Emergency’ and stopping Brexit at all costs. This puts them at odds with the party’s traditional heartlands, who have routinely backed the party for a century.

In 2017, the Welsh electorate gave Jeremy Corbyn the benefit of the doubt. They took him at his word when he said that he respected the result of the previous year’s referendum and was committed to implementing Brexit. This, combined with Theresa May’s lacklustre campaign, saw Labour gain three seats, taking their total to 28 out of 40 in the Principality. What followed in the next two-and-a-half years was a complete betrayal of the trust the Welsh electorate gave to the Corbyn project.

In December 2018, Drakeford became Wales’s First Minister. Drakeford, a dry, academic man approaching retirement age, who spent his entire career before entering politics working in the public and charity sectors, hardly seemed in touch with the post-industrial Labour heartlands of the South Wales valleys or the weathered seaside towns of the North Wales coast.

A year of Drakeford’s insipid leadership in policy areas that are devolved gave the people of Wales a taster of what a Jeremy Corbyn government would be like. Under Drakeford’s socialist Government, Wales has the worst school attainment levels and A&E waiting times in Britain. Betsi Cadwaladr health board has been in special measures for more than four years, with little sign of that status being removed any time soon.

But perhaps Drakeford’s flagship cockup was his decision in June 2019 to break a key Welsh Labour manifesto pledge by scrapping plans to build a much-needed M4 relief road in the Newport area, after more than a decade of planning, during which time £114 million had been wasted.

The Welsh media, in both print and broadcast, did not report or investigate on any of these matters with the zeal they should have done.

As has already been explained, the Welsh media is dominated by people who are either Welsh nationalists or are at the very least prepared to go along with it as an editorial line to enhance their career prospects.

This, by definition, puts them at odds with the Welsh electorate. Plaid Cymru’s vote share and number of votes has declined for three general elections in a row. The party lurched to the left under the leadership of Leanne Wood, and her successor, Adam Price, has gone further than his predecessors in calling for full Welsh independence, albeit within the EU. Price has received a great deal of sympathetic coverage from both BBC Wales and Reach Plc’s publications in Wales (most notably from its most senior writers, including Martin Shipton, Carolyn Hitt and Mari Jones in North Wales).

Again, this puts the party at odds with the majority of people in Wales. Plaid Cymru has long been regarded as the party of the middle class Welsh speaker, which limits its appeal hugely beyond west and north west Wales. Among the Welsh population, there is a great deal of resentment about the way in which the Crachach, a Welsh-speaking middle class elite, often sympathetic to the aims of Plaid Cymru, have such disproportionate influence among the Welsh media, arts, civil service and higher education sectors. There is great unease about the way in which the Welsh language is used to block vast numbers of bright graduates from fulfilling their potential. As veteran journalist John Humphrys put it in July 2000: “There is some unease in some areas of south-east Wales that unless you speak Welsh you are a second-class citizen. There is positive discrimination in favour of those who can speak Welsh. There are many jobs that are barred to you if you don’t speak both English and Welsh and that does create some casualties and some resentment.” Such feelings have intensified in the 20 years since Humphrys said those words, as devolution bedded in and the influence of the Crachach increased.

In the same month, another seasoned journalist, Vincent Kane, put it even more starkly, when he said: There is an elitism built into our society which few nations anywhere in the world would tolerate. The 80% in Wales excluded from positions of influence and authority, no matter how talented they might be, simply because they don’t speak Welsh, are victims of injustice.”

Former First Minister Rhodri Morgan understood the tenets of the problem. He said: “As well as horizontal devolution – spreading power and responsibility more widely – we have to have vertical devolution as well. I have sometimes tried to sum up this dimension by describing our devolution settlement as a shift from Crachach to Gwerin, from government by a self-replicating élite to a new engagement with a far wider and more representative group of people, women and men, people from north and south Wales, Welsh speakers and not, black people as well as white, and so on.”

Morgan understood the problem, but he did not deliver the solution, as his tenure as First Minister, and the years since, have seen a growth of Crachach influence in Welsh public life.

The Welsh media will not address any of these issues because it is part of the problem, rather than part of the solution. Staff at Welsh media institutions are among the main beneficiaries of Welsh language elitism.

But Wood’s lurch to the left has resulted in the emergence of a deeply unpleasant electronic army on social media of fascist hunters, trans activists and EU fanatics. This even puts them at odds with the party’s much more socially conservative voter base in its rural heartlands.

Price’s vision of an independent Wales might chime with the staff at BBC Wales and in the sparsely-populated Reach Plc buildings, but it sits far less comfortably with people in wider Wales.

People in north east Wales are likely to frequently travel to Cheshire, Lancashire and Merseyside for work and recreation, and are also likely to have family and friends in those areas of England. The people of Chepstow, Newport and Cardiff think nothing of a shopping trip to Cribbs Causeway or going to Bristol to see a theatre play of an evening. Most people in Wales have only been here a short time in historic terms, and rarely have to go back more than five or six generations to see that they are at least in part descended from English ancestry. Showing one’s pride in being Welsh is fine for rugby international days, but creating an artificial barrier between Wales and England goes against the core instincts of the majority of people in Wales, who don’t consider English people ‘foreigners’, nor do they want to separate themselves from the lands and people of another part of this small island we are stuck on until the end of time. Or to put it another way, the person running a small plumbing business in Newport does not see why he should feel a greater natural affinity with someone in Porthmadog, where he has never been and may well never go to, over the people of Bristol, where he frequently works and has many friends.

The staff working in the Reach Plc offices and BBC Wales won’t understand this. They will largely live, work, marry and socialise entirely within their own echo chamber of like-minded people sympathetic to Welsh nationalism.

Western Mail front page, 12 May 2020

Western Mail front page, 12 May 2020

It is with this in mind that we should view the front page of the Western Mail, which hit a new low on 12 May this year with its frankly horrible, racist headline, ‘Stay out of Wales, English warned as rules relaxed’, juxtaposed with a picture of footballer Gareth Bale shouting, which is not a coincidence on their part.

This ‘othering’ of English people, and the overall unpleasant connotations of the headline and choice of picture, was enough to turn me against the once-proud Western Mail for good. Its circulation figures are now down to four figures, and its long-term future is bleak. It has no future, and it’s easy to see why.

Little effort is made by the Welsh media to engage with the concerns and issues affecting most people in Wales: The lack of job opportunities, poor standards in education, an NHS in crisis, Wales’s inability to hold on to its bright graduates, poor transport links, poor infrastructure, slow broadband, crime, anti-social behaviour, the lack of a skilled private sector etc.

Conclusion 

The disconnect between those who work in the Welsh media bubble and the wider population is huge. For the Welsh media to have any long-term relevance, it needs to recruit from well beyond its own echo chamber.

Beyond that, its problems are much the same as those as elsewhere in the UK: Regional news programmes on BBC Wales and ITV Wales are no longer considered as relevant as they once were. How many people in Cardiff are interested in hearing about a new school building opening in Caernarfon nowadays? Not many. Few people under 45 buy newspapers at all, and even the older generations are increasingly turning away from them.

The Wales Online website is frankly dire, with its endless clickbait articles of lists of places to eat Welsh food, Welsh ‘celebs’, rugby (especially Wales) and the weather. And people very often give up due to the excessive clutter with advertisements.

Paid-for print publications are in terminal decline. It is likely that the ongoing pandemic will hasten that decline, and even before the end of this year, at least one national newspaper is going to cease publication. The Western Mail and South Wales Echo are highly unlikely to exist as paid-for print publications five years from now.

All national newspaper websites increasingly suffer from the same problems of excessive advertising and clutter, which are not sustainable as long-term business models.

So where does that leave us? Government subsidies should be avoided as a means of propping up news services, as it compromises its editorial independence, and examples from elsewhere in the world demonstrate this. The relationship between journalists in Wales and the Welsh Government is already far too close.

A great deal of credit is due to former BBC Wales Today editor David Morris Jones, who, at the age of 80, sets the gold standard for hyperlocal journalism via his Penarth News blog, which provides daily, relevant, engaging content to the people of Penarth. This is the person to model yourself on if you want to create a hyperlocal news outlet for your town. However, it requires a great deal of time and commitment, something David has in what could only very loosely be described as his ‘retirement’, but for journalists needing to make a living from their work, it does not solve the conundrum as to how to make it pay.

The lack of a dynamic, professional Welsh media is both concerning and dangerous. The public is not aware of where power lies, nor are those with power held to account. Twitter is hardly an accurate barometer of public discourse, but First Minister Mark Drakeford’s personal account has just 14,000 followers, while the official ‘First Minister’ account has fewer than 49,000. By contrast, his Scottish counterpart Nicola Sturgeon has more than one million.

Similarly, the lack of old-fashioned local journalism in every town and city has resulted in local council meetings, the courts and planning applications not being covered in the way they once were.

I do not pretend to have the solutions, but the problems are serious, and are in need of urgent attention.

Written by Marcus Stead

June 21, 2020 at 4:29 am

16 Responses

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  1. Absolutely spot on.

    William

    June 21, 2020 at 2:56 pm

  2. Needed to be said and you said it well. On your finishing note, like you, I have no answers and genuinely despair at the direction Wales is going.

    Welsh L1 speakers have the absolute and total dominance of the society we live in, and the sheeple are either oblivious of the reality or too scared to speak out?

    The Welsh-speaking minority will not willingly relinquish their privileged status, and the only solution seems to lie in reversing devolution, as in abolishing the Welsh Assembly.

    The abolitionist need to focus on reaching out to people that matter with a clear message that 80%+ of us can’t be held to ransom by the minority including their language – Enough is Enough in any language.

    Glasnost UK

    June 21, 2020 at 9:29 pm

    • In addition to my earlier thoughts, it also needs saying that the Welsh L1 speakers have infiltrated all main political parties and have disproportionate representation inside the Conservative and the Labour party.

      You’ll find them in Westminster as MP’s and in the Welsh Assembly (‘Parliament’) as AM’s or MS’s of recent.

      None of them IMO, represent interests of the oppressed and abused majority (80%+ who are now the second class citizens), and none of these people will never put Wales before their language.

      Welsh media is silent and complicit, and this will go on, unchallenged until such time the patriots’ ditch support for Conservatives and Labour in each and every constituency, throughout Wales.

      In May of next year, we have Assembly elections, and I encourage anyone who values democracy to support parties that are committed to abolishing the Welsh Assembly: https://www.abolishthewelshassembly.co.uk/ and https://www.scrapthewelshassembly.com/blog-1

      A small illustration of how the Welsh Conservatives view education:
      https://www.glasnost.org.uk/2020/05/has-the-welsh-conservative-party-gone-rogue/

      Glasnost UK

      June 22, 2020 at 10:13 pm

  3. […] To view the original article CLICK HERE […]

  4. Absolutely spot on.

    Jon Morgan

    June 23, 2020 at 6:11 am

  5. A good article. We in North Wales who have businesses dependent in part or entirely on tourism are dismayed by the vicious tone of anti-tourist messaging; messages that have been gleefully reoeated in the Welsh press. In truth few people of any influence earn their living in the private sector and the political drive comes from representatives of the Welsh speaking elite who are either employed by the council, teachers and third sector workers or ultra-nationalist conservative farmers. In other words, Plaid Cymru’s electorate.

    J.Jones

    June 23, 2020 at 11:55 am

    • You lot care more about your little businesses & the tourists than the lives of the local people in the Welsh communities.

      Cian Evans

      June 24, 2020 at 12:12 am

      • Thanks for that Cian. Never mind the present situation; in this area there is considerable “history” of using every situation as a fig leaf for outright anti-English racism. In the early part of this century we had the “Simonistas” daubing walls with “English colonists out” claiming that the local NHS was in danger of imminent collapse from in-migration and locals (OUR people) couldn’t buy houses. Of course Gwynedd had some of the cheapest property in the UK and, as one census after another shows, being a Welsh speakers is associated with being a home owner and being a non Welsh-speaker is associated with being a renter.
        Then there was the Foot and mouth crisis where sheep were allowed to wander up the Llanberis pass road and into the villages but farmers were furiously demanding that all visitors were kept out. Of course outdoor activities brought in a huge amount of revenue but farming very little.
        And now Covid 19. You evidently didn’t read my piece and notice that it was “the vicious tone of anti-tourist messaging” VICIOUS TONE Cian, not the message itself.
        My basic point remains; those like yourself (student?) and the public sector employees comfortably furloughed at the expence of taxpayers in London and the South East actually are drains on Welsh revenue whereas the “little businesses and tourists” as you put it are generators of tax revenue for Wales and employment for those not lucky enough to have Welsh speaking parents already employed in the Council as a way in to permanent, safe, well pensioned jobs.

        J Jones

        June 24, 2020 at 7:06 am

  6. The ‘analysis’ is brilliant!! The ‘problem’ is that the unusual structure in Wales has been debated for years,however without a ‘revolution’ what can be done about the situation.I have no ‘animus’ to the welsh language, however I fail to see why it allows a minority to dominate a majority,in perpeturity,and ensure that their children have an ‘inside’ track to power and influence over the vast majority.Its a form of Racism,but not as easily identified.

    howell morgan

    June 23, 2020 at 12:06 pm

  7. Well said, J Jones. For my part. I’m genuinely sick to death of the Y Fro Gymraeg narrative emanating from the ‘more equal’ minority, hell-bent on keeping us down.

    Slightly off-topic but just read this on BBC CYMRU CYMRU wales:

    https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-53163702?at_campaign=64&at_custom1=%5Bpost+type%5D&at_medium=custom7&at_custom2=twitter&at_custom3=%40BBCWalesNews&at_custom4=8A2076F2-B612-11EA-9DEB-F5003A982C1E

    Highley ironic article, and from the very people who have been revising Welsh history to suit their narrative and imposing names on our cities and towns that mean absolutely nothing to the local people.

    Cardiff will always be Cardiff, same for Swansea ++++ – Caerdydd and Abertawe will never catch up but clutter the road signs, cause confusion and possibly endanger lives of unsuspecting motorists.

    Glasnost UK

    June 24, 2020 at 5:00 pm

  8. […] I recently outlined in my essay, ‘The Welsh media in crisis’, both BBC Wales and the Reach Plc print and digital publications are dominated by staff who are […]

  9. […] I recently outlined in my essay, ‘The Welsh media in crisis’, both BBC Wales and the Reach Plc print and digital publications are dominated by staff who are […]

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    Mae Paramor

    July 31, 2020 at 12:39 am

  11. […] RECENT essay, ‘The Welsh media in crisis’attracted considerable feedback, most of it positive, but the problems facing the industry have […]

  12. […] IN ANY democracy, it is essential there is a free and independent media, that rigorously holds those we elect to account, and is widely consumed by the public. This is not the case in Wales. CLICK HERE […]

  13. Clear account of the dire situation for the 80%. No impartial press. Moreover, the massive increase in welsh gov power (with no genuine attempt to educate or seek the views of the wider population) has been accomplished outside of a vital contextual system for the division of power

    Susie

    October 26, 2020 at 12:22 am


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